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In a piece on Vox EU, Hadi Soesastro argues that East Asian countries should seize the opportunity afforded by the G20 and integrate their strategic interests and influence into the emerging post-crisis governance paradigm.

The crisis has created an opportunity for new players to bring their plights, interests, and aspirations to bear towards more inclusive global efforts to resolve it.

He argues that East Asia's inward focus over the past decade (with the big exception of China) has limited the region's collective influence and ability to project its strategic interests onto the global economic governance structure. Soesastro points specifically to the creation of a regional monetary fund, borne out of the collective sense of injustice at the hands of the IMF following the East Asian financial crisis.

He also believes, more broadly, that the focus should not be on the reform of existing international institutions. Global governance would instead be more effective if based on regional arrangements that coalesce the interests of developed, emerging and least developed economies within a geographic area. He points to efforts already underway within Latin America and the CIS to develop regional agendas for the G20 forum.

Finally, he identifies the G20 as a vehicle for China to increase its participation in global economic governance:

East Asia’s strategic participation in the G20 provides a framework for China to play an increased role – as a key member of the regional community – in the recovery of the global economy and in shaping global economic governance. In the Chinese language, the word “crisis” is made up aptly of the characters for “danger” and “opportunity”.

Soesastro's rallying cry for East Asia reflects a growing consensus that the G8 has become irrelevant and the post-crisis economic governance paradigm must be inclusive of a broader range of stakeholders, particularly those whose economic power far outweighs their political representation under the current global regime. If macroeconomic imbalances have played a central role in the crisis, the representatives of one half of that equation (i.e. Asian savings, which I know is a horrible oversimplification) should undoubtedly play as large a role in resolving the crisis as any party from the other side of the ledger. Further, trade is vital to East Asian economic growth and integration. Having a vocal advocate for open trade at the negotiating table, at a time when many of the major western countries are swinging towards protectionism, is of paramount importance to preserving the free trade consensus.

While I am skeptical of the ease with which Soesastro envisions a regional convergence of interests on issues like trade and investment (will China's interests always converge so neatly with Japan's?), he nonetheless highlights the enormous opportunity previously marginalized countries are provided by the crisis. Regions like East Asia can exert their collective influence to refashion global economic governance more in line with their own strategic interests. They can also play a vital role in preserving the open flow of trade and capital that has been so vital their own development.